ON THE ART OF WAR

ON THE ART OF WAR BY



NICCOLO MACHIAVELLI

CITIZEN AND SECRETARY OF FLORENCE TO



LORENZO DI FILIPPO STROZZI,

A GENTLEMEN OF FLORENCE



FIRST BOOK



As I believe that it is possible for one to praise, without concern, any man

after he is dead since every reason and supervision for adulation is

lacking, I am not apprehensive in praising our own Cosimo Ruccelai, whose

name is never remembered by me without tears, as I have recognized in him

those parts which can be desired in a good friend among friends and in a

citizen of his country. For I do not know what pertained to him more than to

spend himself willingly, not excepting that courage of his, for his friends,

and I do not know of any enterprise that dismayed him when he knew it was

for the good of his country. And I confess freely not to have met among so

many men whom I have known and worked with, a man in whom there was a mind

more fired with great and magnificent things. Nor does one grieve with the

friends of another of his death, except for his having been born to die

young unhonored within his own home, without having been able to benefit

anyone with that mind of his, for one would know that no one could speak of

him, except (to say) that a good friend had died. It does not remain for us,

however, or for anyone else who, like us, knew him, to be able because of

this to keep the faith (since deeds do not seem to) to his laudable

qualities. It is true however, that fortune was not so unfriendly to him

that it did not leave some brief memory of the dexterity of his genius, as

was demonstrated by some of his writings and compositions of amorous verses,

in which (as he was not in love) he (employed as an) exercise in order not

to use his time uselessly in his juvenile years, in order that fortune might

lead him to higher thoughts. Here, it can be clearly comprehended, that if

his objective was exercise, how very happily he described his ideas, and how

much he was honored in his poetry. Fortune, however, having deprived us of

the use of so great a friend, it appears to me it is not possible to find

any other better remedy than for us to seek to benefit from his memory, and

recover from it any matter that was either keenly observed or wisely

discussed. And as there is nothing of his more recent than the discussions

which the Lord Fabrizio Colonna had with him in his gardens, where matters

pertaining to war were discussed at length by that Lord, with (questions)

keenly and prudently asked by Cosimo, it seemed proper to me having been

present with other friends of ours, to recall him to memory, so that reading

it, the friends of Cosimo who met there will renew in their minds the memory

of his virtue, and another part grieving for not having been there, will

learn in part of many things discussed wisely by a most sagacious man useful

not only to the military way of life, but to the civilian as well. I will

relate, therefore, how Fabrizio Colonna, when he returned from Lombardy

where he had fought a long time gloriously for the Catholic King, decided to

pass through Florence to rest several days in that City in order to visit

His Excellency the Duke, and see again several gentlemen with whom he had

been familiar in the past. Whence it appeared proper to Cosimo to invite him

to a banquet in his gardens, not so much to show his generosity as to have

reason to talk to him at length, and to learn and understand several things

from him, according as one can hope to from such a man, for it appeared to

him to give him an opportunity to spend a day discussing such matters as

would satisfy his mind.



Fabrizio, therefore, came as planned, and was received by Cosimo

together with several other loyal friends of his, among whom were

Zanobi Buondelmonti, Battista Della Palla, and Luigi Alamanni, young

men most ardent in the same studies and loved by him, whose good

qualities, because they were also praised daily by himself, we will omit.

Fabrizio, therefore, was honored according to the times and the place,

with all the highest honors they could give him. As soon as the convivial

pleasures were past and the table cleared and every arrangement of

feasting finished, which, in the presence of great men and those who

have their minds turned to honorable thoughts is soon accomplished,

and because the day was long and the heat intense, Cosimo, in order

to satisfy their desire better, judged it would be well to take the

opportunity to escape the heat by leading them to the more secret and

shadowy part of his garden: when they arrived there and chairs brought

out, some sat on the grass which was most fresh in the place, some sat

on chairs placed in those parts under the shadow of very high trees;

Fabrizio praised the place as most delightful, and looking especially at

the trees, he did not recognize one of them, and looked puzzled.

Cosimo, becoming aware of this said: Perhaps you have no knowledge

of some of these trees, but do not wonder about them, because here

are some which were more widely known by the ancients than are

those commonly seen today. And giving him the name of some and

telling him that Bernardo, his grandfather, had worked hard in their

culture, Fabrizio replied: I was thinking that it was what you said I was,

and this place and this study make me remember several Princes of the

Kingdom, who delighted in their ancient culture and the shadow they

cast. And stopping speaking of this, and somewhat upon himself as

though in suspense, he added: If I did not think I would offend you, I

would give you my opinion: but I do not believe in talking and

discussing things with friends in this manner that I insult them. How

much better would they have done (it is said with peace to everyone)

to seek to imitate the ancients in the strong and rugged things, not in the

soft and delicate, and in the things they did under the sun, not in the

shadows, to adopt the honest and perfect ways of antiquity, not the

false and corrupt; for while these practices were pleasing to my

Romans, my country (without them) was ruined. To which Cosimo

replied (but to avoid the necessity of having to repeat so many times

who is speaking, and what the other adds, only the names of those

speaking will be noted, without repeating the others). Cosimo,

therefore, said: You have opened the way for a discussion which I

desired, and I pray you to speak without regard, for I will question you

without regard; and if, in questioning or in replying, I accuse or excuse

anyone, it will not be for accusing or excusing, but to understand the

truth from you.



FABRIZIO: And I will be much content to tell you what I know of all

that you ask me; whether it be true or not, I will leave to your

judgement. And I will be grateful if you ask me, for I am about to learn

as much from what you ask me, as you will from me replying to you,

because many times a wise questioner causes one to consider many

things and understand many others which, without having been asked,

would never have been understood.



COSIMO: I want to return to what you first were saying, that my

grandfather and those of yours had more wisely imitated the ancients in

rugged things than in delicate ones, and I want to excuse my side

because I will let you excuse the other (your side). I do not believe that

in your time there was a man who disliked living as softly as he, and

that he was so much a lover of that rugged life which you praise: none

the less he recognized he could not practice it in his personal life, nor in

that of his sons, having been born in so corrupted an age, where

anyone who wanted to depart from the common usage would be

deformed and despised by everyone. For if anyone in a naked state

should thrash upon the sand under the highest sun, or upon the snow in

the most icy months of winter, as did Diogenes, he would be

considered mad. If anyone (like the Spartan) should raise his children

on a farm, make them sleep in the open, go with head and feet bare,

bathe in cold water in order to harden them to endure vicissitudes, so

that they then might love life less and fear death less, he would be

praised by few and followed by none. So that dismayed at these ways

of living, he presently leaves the ways of the ancients, and in imitating

antiquity, does only that which he can with little wonderment.



FABRIZIO: You have excused him strongly in this part, and certainly

you speak the truth: but I did not speak so much of these rugged ways

of living, as of those other more human ways which have a greater

conformity to the ways of living today, which I do not believe should

have been difficult to introduce by one who is numbered among the

Princes of a City. I will never forego my examples of my Romans. If

their way of living should be examined, and the institutions in their

Republic, there will be observed in her many things not impossible to

introduce in a Society where there yet might be something of good.



COSIMO: What are those things similar to the ancients that you would

introduce?



FABRIZIO: To honor and reward virtu, not to have contempt for

poverty, to esteem the modes and orders of military discipline, to

constrain citizens to love one another, to live without factions, to

esteem less the private than the public good, and other such things

which could easily be added in these times. It is not difficult to

persuade (people) to these ways, when one considers these at length

and approaches them in the usual manner, for the truth will appear in

such (examinations) that every common talent is capable of undertaking

them. Anyone can arrange these things; (for example), one plants trees

under the shadow of which he lives more happily and merrily than if he

had not (planted them).



COSIMO: I do not want to reply to anything of what you have

spoken, but I do want leave to give a judgment on these, which can be

easily judged, and I shall address myself to you who accuse those who

in serious and important actions are not imitators of the ancients,

thinking that in this way I can more easily carry out my intentions. I

should want, therefore, to know from you whence it arises that, on the

one hand you condemn those who do not imitate the ancients in their

actions, on the other hand, in matters of war which is your profession

and in which you are judged to be excellent, it is not observed that you

have employed any of the ancient methods, or those which have some

similarity.



FABRIZIO: You have come to the point where I expected you to, for

what I said did not merit any other question, nor did I wish for any

other. And although I am able to save myself with a simple excuse,

none the less I want, for your greater satisfaction and mine, since the

season (weather) allows it, to enter into a much longer discussion. Men

who want to do something, ought first to prepare themselves with all

industry, in order ((when the opportunity is seen)) to be prepared to

achieve that which they have proposed. And whenever the

preparations are undertaken cautiously, unknown to anyone, no none

can be accused of negligence unless he is first discovered by the

occasion; in which if it is not then successful, it is seen that either he has

not sufficiently prepared himself, or that he has not in some part given

thought to it. And as the opportunity has not come to me to be able to

show the preparations I would make to bring the military to your

ancient organization, and it I have not done so, I cannot be blamed

either by you or by others. I believe this excuse is enough to respond

to your accusation.



COSIMO: It would be enough if I was certain that the opportunity did

not present itself.



FABRIZIO: But because I know you could doubt whether this

opportunity had come about or not, I want to discuss at length ((if you

will listen to me with patience)) which preparations are necessary to be

made first, what occasion needs to arise, what difficulty impedes the

preparations from becoming beneficial and the occasion from arriving,

and that this is ((which appears a paradox)) most difficult and most

easy to do.



COSIMO: You cannot do anything more pleasing for me and for the

others than this. But if it is not painful for you to speak, it will never be

painful for us to listen. But at this discussion may be long, I want help

from these, my friends, and with your permission, and they and I pray

you one thing, that you do not become annoyed if we sometimes

interrupt you with some opportune question.



FABRIZIO: I am most content that you, Cosimo, with these other

young people here, should question me, for I believe that young men

will become more familiar with military matters, and will more easily

understand what I have to say. The others, whose hair (head) is white

and whose blood is icy, in part are enemies of war and in part

incorrigible, as those who believe that the times and not the evil ways

constrain men to live in such a fashion. So ask anything of me, with

assurance and without regard; I desire this, as much because it will

afford me a little rest, as because it will give me pleasure not to leave

any doubts in your minds. I want to begin from your words, where you

said to me that in war ((which is my profession)) I have not employed

any of the ancient methods. Upon this I say, that this being a profession

by which men of every time were not able to live honestly, it cannot be

employed as a profession except by a Republic or a Kingdom; and

both of these, if well established, will never allow any of their citizens or

subjects to employ it as a profession: for he who practices it will never

be judged to be good, as to gain some usefulness from it at any time he

must be rapacious, deceitful, violent, and have many qualities, which of

necessity, do not make him good: nor can men who employ this as a

profession, the great as well as the least, be made otherwise, for this

profession does not provide for them in peace. Whence they are

obliged, either to hope that there will be no peace or to gain so much

for themselves in times of war, that they can provide for themselves in

times of peace. And wherever one of these two thoughts exists, it does

not occur in a good man; for, from the desire to provide for oneself in

every circumstance, robberies, violence and assassinations result,

which such soldiers do to friends as well as to enemies: and from not

desiring peace, there arises those deceptions which Captains

perpetrate upon those whom they lead, because war hardens them:

and even if peace occurs frequently, it happens that the leaders, being

deprived of their stipends and of their licentious mode of living, raise a

flag of piracy, and without any mercy sack a province.



Do you not have within the memory of events of your time, many

soldiers in Italy, finding themselves without employment because of the

termination of wars, gathered themselves into very troublesome gangs,

calling themselves companies, and went about levying tribute on the

towns and sacking the country, without there being any remedy able to

be applied? Have you not read how the Carthaginian soldiers, when

the first war they engaged in with the Romans under Matus and

Spendius was ended, tumultuously chose two leaders, and waged a

more dangerous war against the Carthaginians than that which they had

just concluded with the Romans? And in the time of our fathers,

Francesco Sforza, in order to be able to live honorably (comfortably)

in times of peace, not only deceived the Milanese, in whose pay he

was, but took away their liberty and became their Prince. All the other

soldiers of Italy, who have employed the military as their particular

profession, have been like this man; and if, through their malignity, they

have not become Dukes of Milan, so much more do they merit to be

censured; for without such a return ((if their lives were to be

examined)), they all have the same cares. Sforza, father of Francesco,

constrained Queen Giovanna to throw herself into the arms of the King

of Aragon, having abandoned her suddenly, and left her disarmed amid

her enemies, only in order to satisfy his ambition of either levying tribute

or taking the Kingdom. Braccio, with the same industry, sought to

occupy the Kingdom of Naples, and would have succeeded, had he

not been routed and killed at Aquilla. Such evils do not result from

anything else other than the existence of men who employ the practice

of soldiering as their own profession. Do you not have a proverb which

strengthens my argument, which says: War makes robbers, and peace

hangs them? For those who do not know how to live by another

practice, and not finding any one who will support them in that, and not

having so much virtu that they know how to come and live together

honorably, are forced by necessity to roam the streets, and justice is

forced to extinguish them.



COSIMO: You have made me turn this profession (art) of soldiering

back almost to nothing, and I had supposed it to be the most excellent

and most honorable of any: so that if you do not clarify this better, I will

not be satisfied; for if it is as you say, I do not know whence arises the

glory of Caesar, Pompey, Scipio, Marcellus, and of so many Roman

Captains who are celebrated for their fame as the Gods.



FABRIZIO: I have not yet finished discussing all that I proposed,

which included two things: the one, that a good man was not able to

undertake this practice because of his profession: the other, that a well

established Republic or Kingdom would never permit its subjects or

citizens to employ it for their profession. Concerning the first, I have

spoken as much as has occurred to me: it remains for me to talk of the

second, where I shall reply to this last question of yours, and I say that

Pompey and Caesar, and almost all those Captains who were in Rome

after the last Carthaginian war, acquired fame as valiant men, not as

good men: but those who had lived before them acquired glory as

valiant and good men: which results from the fact that these latter did

not take up the practice of war as their profession; and those whom I

named first as those who employed it as their profession. And while the

Republic lived immaculately, no great citizen ever presumed by means

of such a practice to enrich himself during (periods of) peace by

breaking laws, despoiling the provinces, usurping and tyrannizing the

country, and imposing himself in every way; nor did anyone of the

lowest fortune think of violating the sacred agreement, adhere himself

to any private individual, not fearing the Senate, or to perform any

disgraceful act of tyranny in order to live at all times by the profession

of war. But those who were Captains, being content with the triumph,

returned with a desire for the private life; and those who were

members (of the army) returned with a desire to lay down the arms

they had taken up; and everyone returned to the art (trade or

profession) by which they ordinarily lived; nor was there ever anyone

who hoped to provide for himself by plunder and by means of these

arts. A clear and evident example of this as it applies to great citizens

can be found in the Regent Attilio, who, when he was captain of the

Roman armies in Africa, and having almost defeated the Carthaginians,

asked the Senate for permission to return to his house to look after his

farms which were being spoiled by his laborers. Whence it is clearer

than the sun, that if that man had practiced war as his profession, and

by means of it thought to obtain some advantage for himself, having so

many provinces which (he could) plunder, he would not have asked

permission to return to take care of his fields, as each day he could

have obtained more than the value of all his possessions. But as these

good men, who do not practice war as their profession, do not expect

to gain anything from it except hard work, danger, and glory, as soon

as they are sufficiently glorious, desire to return to their homes and live

from the practice of their own profession. As to men of lower status

and gregarious soldiers, it is also true that every one voluntarily

withdrew from such a practice, for when he was not fighting would

have desired to fight, but when he was fighting wanted to be dismissed.

Which illustrates the many ways, and especially in seeing that it was

among the first privileges, that the Roman people gave to one of its

Citizens, that he should not be constrained unwillingly to fight. Rome,

therefore, while she was well organized ((which it was up to the time of

the Gracchi)) did not have one soldier who had to take up this practice

as a profession, and therefore had few bad ones, and these were

severely punished. A well ordered City, therefore, ought to desire that

this training for war ought to be employed in times of peace as an

exercise, and in times of war as a necessity and for glory, and allow the

public only to use it as a profession, as Rome did. And any citizen who

has other aims in (using) such exercises is not good, and any City

which governs itself otherwise, is not well ordered.



COSIMO: I am very much content and satisfied with what you have

said up to now, and this conclusion which you have made pleases me

greatly: and I believe it will be true when expected from a Republic, but

as to Kings, I do not yet know why I should believe that a King would

not want particularly to have around him those who take up such a

practice as their profession.



FABRIZIO: A well ordered Kingdom ought so much the more avoid

such artifices, for these only are the things which corrupt the King and

all the Ministers in a Tyranny. And do not, on the other side, tell me of

some present Kingdom, for I will not admit them to be all well ordered

Kingdoms; for Kingdoms that are well ordered do not give absolute

(power to) Rule to their Kings, except in the armies, for only there is a

quick decision necessary, and, therefore, he who (rules) there must

have this unique power: in other matters, he cannot do anything without

counsel, and those who counsel him have to fear those whom he may

have near him who, in times of peace, desire war because they are

unable to live without it. But I want to dwell a little longer on this

subject, and look for a Kingdom totally good, but similar to those that

exist today, where those who take up the profession of war for

themselves still ought to be feared by the King, for the sinews of armies

without any doubt are the infantry. So that if a King does not organize

himself in such a way that his infantry in time of peace are content to

return to their homes and live from the practice of their own

professions, it must happen of necessity that he will be ruined; for there

is not to be found a more dangerous infantry than that which is

composed of those who make the waging of war their profession; for

you are forced to make war always, or pay them always, or to risk the

danger that they take away the Kingdom from you. To make war

always is not possible: (and) one cannot pay always; and, hence, that

danger is run of losing the State. My Romans ((as I have said)), as long

as they were wise and good, never permitted that their citizens should

take up this practice as their profession, notwithstanding that they were

able to raise them at all times, for they made war at all times: but in

order to avoid the harm which this continuous practice of theirs could

do to them, since the times did not change, they changed the men, and

kept turning men over in their legions so that every fifteen years they

always completely re-manned them: and thus they desired men in the

flower of their age, which is from eighteen to thirty five years, during

which time their legs, their hands, and their eyes, worked together, nor

did they expect that their strength should decrease in them, or that

malice should grow in them, as they did in corrupt times.



Ottavianus first, and then Tiberius, thinking more of their own power

than the public usefulness, in order to rule over the Roman people

more easily, begun to disarm them and to keep the same armies

continually at the frontiers of the Empire. And because they did not

think it sufficient to hold the Roman People and the Senate in check,

they instituted an army called the Praetorian (Guard), which was kept

near the walls of Rome in a fort adjacent to that City. And as they now

begun freely to permit men assigned to the army to practice military

matters as their profession, there soon resulted that these men became

insolent, and they became formidable to the Senate and damaging to

the Emperor. Whence there resulted that many men were killed

because of their insolence, for they gave the Empire and took it away

from anyone they wished, and it often occurred that at one time there

were many Emperors created by the several armies. From which state

of affairs proceeded first the division of the Empire and finally its ruin.

Kings ought, therefore, if they want to live securely, have their infantry

composed of men, who, when it is necessary for him to wage war, will

willingly go forth to it for love of him, and afterwards when peace

comes, more willingly return to their homes; which will always happen

if he selects men who know how to live by a profession other than this.

And thus he ought to desire, with the coming of peace, that his Princes

return to governing their people, gentlemen to the cultivation of their

possessions, and the infantry to their particular arts (trades or

professions); and everyone of these will willingly make war in order to

have peace, and will not seek to disturb the peace to have war.



COSIMO: Truly, this reasoning of yours appears to me well

considered: none the less, as it is almost contrary to what I have

thought up to now, my mind is not yet purged of every doubt. For I see

many Lords and Gentlemen who provide for themselves in times of

peace through the training for war, as do your equals who obtain

provisions from Princes and the Community. I also see almost all the

men at arms remaining in the garrisons of the city and of the fortresses.

So that it appears to me that there is a long time of peace for everyone.



FABRIZIO: I do not believe that you believe this, that everyone has a

place in time of peace; for other reasons can be cited for their being

stationed there, and the small number of people who remain in the

places mentioned by you will answer your question. What is the

proportion of infantry needed to be employed in time of war to that in

peace? for while the fortresses and the city are garrisoned in times of

peace, they are much more garrisoned in times of war; to this should

be added the soldiers kept in the field who are a great number, but all

of whom are released in time of peace. And concerning the garrisons

of States, who are a small number, Pope Julius and you have shown

how much they are to be feared who do not know any other

profession than war, as you have taken them out of your garrisons

because of their insolence, and placed the Swiss there, who are born

and raised under the laws and are chosen by the community in an

honest election; so do not say further that in peace there is a place for

every man. As to the men at arms continued in their enlistment in peace

time, the answer appears more difficult. None the less, whoever

considers everything well, will easily find the answer, for this thing of

keeping on the men at arms is a corrupt thing and not good. The

reason is this; as there are men who do not have any art (trade or

profession), a thousand evils will arise every day in those States where

they exist, and especially so if they were to be joined by a great

number of companions: but as they are few, and unable by themselves

to constitute an army, they therefore, cannot do any serious damage.

None the less, they have done so many times, as I said of Francesco

and of Sforza, his father, and of Braccio of Perugia. So I do not

approve of this custom of keeping men at arms, both because it is

corrupt and because it can cause great evils.



COSIMO: Would you do without them?, or if you keep them, how

would you do so?



FABRIZIO: By means of an ordinance, not like those of the King of

France, because they are as dangerous and insolent as ours, but like

those of the ancients, who created horsemen (cavalry) from their

subjects, and in times of peace sent them back to their homes to live

from the practice of their own profession, as I shall discuss at length

before I finish this discussion. So, if this part of the army can now live

by such a practice even when there is peace, it stems from a corrupt

order. As to the provisions that are reserved for me and the other

leaders, I say to you that this likewise is a most corrupt order, for a

wise Republic ought not to give them to anyone, rather it ought to

employ its citizens as leaders in war, and in time of peace desire that

they return to their professions. Thus also, a wise King ought not to

give (provisions) to them, or if he does give them, the reasons ought to

be either as a reward for some excellent act, or in order to avail himself

of such a man in peace as well as in war. And because you have

mentioned me, I want the example to include me, and I say I have

never practiced war as a profession, for my profession is to govern my

subjects, and defend them, and in order to defend them, I must love

peace but know how to make war; and my King does not reward and

esteem me so much for what I know of war, as because I know also

how to counsel him in peace. Any King ought not, therefore, to want to

have next to him anyone who is not thusly constituted, if he is wise and

wants to govern prudently; for if he has around him either too many

lovers of peace or too many lovers of war, they will cause him to err. I

cannot, in this first discussion of mine and according to my suggestion,

say otherwise, and if this is not enough for you, you must seek one

which satisfies you better. You can begin to recognize how much

difficulty there is in bringing the ancient methods into modem wars, and

what preparations a wise man must make, and what opportunities he

can hope for to put them into execution. But little by little you will know

these things better if the discussion on bringing any part of the ancient

institutions to the present order of things does not weary you.



COSIMO: If we first desired to hear your discussion of these matters,

truly what you have said up to now redoubles that desire. We thank

you, therefore, for what we have had and ask you for the rest.



FABRIZIO: Since this is your pleasure, I want to begin to treat of this

matter from the beginning being able in that way to demonstrate it more

fully, so that it may be better understood. The aim of those who want

to make war is to be able to combat in the field with every (kind) of

enemy, and to be able to win the engagement. To want to do this, they

must raise an army. In raising an army, it is necessary to find men, arm

them, organize them, train them in small and large (battle) orders, lodge

them, and expose them to the enemy afterwards, either at a standstill or

while marching. All the industry of war in the field is placed in these

things, which are the more necessary and honored (in the waging of

war). And if one does well in offering battle to the enemy, all the other

errors he may make in the conduct of the war are supportable: but if he

lacks this organization, even though he be valiant in other particulars, he

will never carry on a war to victory (and honor). For, as one

engagement that you win cancels out every other bad action of yours,

so likewise, when you lose one, all the things you have done well

before become useless. Since it is necessary, therefore, first to find

men, you must come to the Deletto (Draft) of them, as thus the

ancients called it, and which we call Scelta (Selection): but in order to

call it by a more honored name, I want us to preserve the name of

Deletto. Those who have drawn up regulations for war want men to

be chosen from temperate countries as they have spirit and are

prudent; for warm countries give rise to men who are prudent but not

spirited, and cold (countries) to men who are spirited but not prudent.

This regulation is drawn up well for one who is the Prince of all the

world, and is therefore permitted to draw men from those places that

appear best to him: but wanting to draw up a regulation that anyone

can use, one must say that every Republic and every Kingdom ought to

take soldiers from their own country, whether it is hot, cold, or

temperate. For, from ancient examples, it is seen that in every country,

good soldiers are made by training; because where nature is lacking,

industry supplies it, which, in this case, is worth more than nature: And

selecting them from another place cannot be called Deletto, because

Deletto means to say to take the best of a province, and to have the

power to select as well those who do not want to fight as those who

do want to. This Deletto therefore, cannot be made unless the places

are subject to you; for you cannot take whoever you want in the

countries that are not yours, but you need to take those who want to

come.



COSIMO: And of those who want to come, it can even be said, that

they turn and leave you, and because of this, it can then be called a

Deletto.



FABRIZIO: In a certain way, you say what is true: but consider the

defects that such as Deletto has in itself, for often it happens that it is

not a Deletto. The first thing (to consider), is that those who are not

your subjects and do not willingly want to fight, are not of the best,

rather they are of the worst of a province; for if nay are troublesome,

idle, without restraint, without religion, subject to the rule of the father,

blasphemous, gamblers, and in every way badly brought up, they are

those who want to fight, (and) these habits cannot be more contrary to

a true and good military life. When there are so many of such men

offered to you that they exceed the number you had designated, you

can select them; but if the material is bad, it is impossible for the

Deletto to be good: but many times it happens that they are not so

many as (are needed) to fill the number you require: so that being

forced to take them all, it results that it can no longer be called the

making of a Deletto, but in enlisting of infantry. The armies of Italy and

other places are raised today with these evils, except in Germany,

where no one is enlisted by command of the Prince, but according to

the wishes of those who want to fight. Think, therefore, what methods

of those ancients can now be introduced in an army of men put

together by similar means.



COSIMO: What means should be taken therefore?



FABRIZIO: What I have just said: select them from your own

subjects, and with the authority of the Prince.



COSIMO: Would you introduce any ancient form in those thus

selected?



FABRIZIO: You know well it would be so; if it is a Principality, he

who should command should be their Prince or an ordinary Lord; or if

it is a Republic, a citizen who for the time should be Captain: otherwise

it is difficult to do the thing well.



COSIMO: Why?



FABRIZIO: I will tell you in time: for now, I want this to suffice for

you, that it cannot be done well in any other way.



COSIMO: If you have, therefore, to make ibis Deletto in your

country, whence do you judge it better to draw them, from the City or

the Countryside?



FABRIZIO: Those who have written of this all agree that it is better to

select them from the Countryside, as they are men accustomed to

discomfort, brought up on hard work, accustomed to be in the sun and

avoid the shade, know how to handle the sword, dig a ditch, carry a

load, and are without cunning or malice. But on this subject, my

opinion would be, that as soldiers are of two kinds, afoot and on

horseback, that those afoot be selected from the Countryside, and

those on horseback from the City.



COSIMO: Of what age would you draw them?



FABRIZIO: If I had to raise an (entirely) new army, I would draw

them from seventeen to forty years of age; if the army already exists

and I had to replenish it, at seventeen years of age always.



COSIMO: I do not understand this distinction well.



FABRIZIO: I will tell you: if I should have to organize an army where

there is none, it would be necessary to select all those men who were

more capable, as long as they were of military age, in order to instruct

them as I would tell them: but if I should have to make the Deletto in

places where the army was (already) organized, in order to supplement

it, I would take those of seventeen years of age, because the others

having been taken for some time would have been selected and

instructed.



COSIMO: Therefore you would want to make an ordinance similar to

that which exists in our countries.



FABRIZIO: You say well: it is true that I would arm them, captain

them, train them, and organize them, in a way which I do not know

whether or not you have organized them similarly.



COSIMO: Therefore you praise the ordinance?



FABRIZIO: Why would you want me to condemn it?



COSIMO: Because many wise men have censured it.



FABRIZIO: You say something contrary, when you say a wise man

censured the ordinance: for he can be held a wise man and to have

censured them wrongly.



COSIMO: The wrong conclusion that he has made will always cause

us to have such a opinion.



FABRIZIO: Watch out that the defect is not yours, but his: as that

which you recognized before this discussion furnishes proof.



COSIMO: You do a most gracious thing. But I want to tell you that

you should be able to justify yourself better in that of which those men

are accused. These men say thusly: either that it is useless and our

trusting in it will cause us to lose the State: or it is of virtue, and he who

governs through it can easily deprive her of it. They cite the Romans,

who by their own arms lost their liberty: They cite the Venetians and

the King of France, of whom they say that the former, in order not to

obey one of its Citizens employed the arms of others, and the King

disarmed his People so as to be able to command them more easily.

But they fear the uselessness of this much more; for which uselessness

they cite two principal reasons: the one, because they are inexpert; the

other, for having to fight by force: because they say that they never

learn anything from great men, and nothing good is ever done by force.



FABRIZIO: All the reasons that you mention are from men who are

not far sighted, as I shall clearly show. And first, as to the uselessness,

I say to you that no army is of more use than your own, nor can an

army of your own be organized except in this way. And as there is no

debating over this, which all the examples of ancient history does for

us, I do not want to lose time over it. And because they cite

inexperience and force, I say ((as it is true)) that inept experience gives

rise to little spirit (enthusiasm) and force makes for discontent: but

experience and enthusiasm gains for themselves the means for arming,

training, and organizing them, as you will see in the first part of this

discussion. But as to force, you must understand that as men are

brought to the army by commandment of the Prince, they have to

come, whether it is entirely by force or entirely voluntarily: for if it were

entirely from desire, there would not be a Deletto as only a few of

them would go; so also, the (going) entirely by force would produce

bad results; therefore, a middle way ought to be taken where neither

the entirely forced or entirely voluntarily (means are used), but they

should come, drawn by the regard they have for the Prince, where they

are more afraid of of his anger then the immediate punishment: and it

will always happen that there will be a compulsion mixed with

willingness, from which that discontent cannot arise which causes bad

effects. Yet I do not claim that an army thus constituted cannot be

defeated; for many times the Roman armies were overcome, and the

army of Hannibal was defeated: so that it can be seen that no army can

be so organized that a promise can be given that it cannot be routed.

These wise men of yours, therefore, ought not measure this uselessness

from having lost one time, but to believe that just as they can lose, so

too they can win and remedy the cause of the defeat. And if they

should look into this, they will find that it would not have happened

because of a defect in the means, but of the organization which was not

sufficiently perfect. And, as I have said, they ought to provide for you,

not by censuring the organization, but by correcting it: as to how this

ought to be done, you will come to know little by little.



As to being apprehensive that such organization will not deprive you of

the State by one who makes himself a leader, I reply, that the arms

carried by his citizens or subjects, given to them by laws and

ordinances, never do him harm, but rather are always of some

usefulness, and preserve the City uncorrupted for a longer time by

means of these (arms), than without (them). Rome remained free four

hundred years while armed: Sparta eight hundred: Many other Cities

have been dis-armed, and have been free less than forty years; for

Cities have need of arms, and if they do not have arms of their own,

they hire them from foreigners, and the arms of foreigners more readily

do harm to the public good than their own; for they are easier to

corrupt, and a citizen who becomes powerful can more readily avail

himself, and can also manage the people more readily as he has to

oppress men who are disarmed. In addition to this, a City ought to fear

two enemies more than one. One which avails itself of foreigners

immediately has to fear not only its citizens, but the foreigners that it

enlists; and, remembering what I told you a short while ago of

Francesco Sforza, (you will see that) that fear ought to exist. One

which employs its own arms, has not other fear except of its own

Citizens. But of all the reasons which can be given, I want this one to

serve me, that no one ever established any Republic or Kingdom who

did not think that it should be defended by those who lived there with

arms: and if the Venetians had been as wise in this as in their other

institutions, they would have created a new world Kingdom; but who

so much more merit censure, because they had been the first who were

armed by their founders. And not having dominion on land, they armed

themselves on the sea, where they waged war with virtu, and with arms

in hand enlarged their country. But when the time came when they had

to wage war on land to defend Venice and where they ought to have

sent their own citizens to fight (on land), they enlisted as their captain (a

foreigner), the Marquis of Mantua. This was the sinister course which

prevented them from rising to the skies and expanding. And they did

this in the belief that, as they knew how to wage war at sea, they

should not trust themselves in waging it on land; which was an unwise

belief (distrust), because a Sea captain, who is accustomed to combat

with winds, water, and men, could more easily become a Captain on

land where the combat is with men only, than a land Captain become a

sea one. And my Romans, knowing how to combat on land and not on

the sea, when the war broke out with the Carthaginians who were

powerful on the sea, did not enlist Greeks or Spaniards experienced at

sea, but imposed that change on those citizens they sent (to fight) on

land, and they won. If they did this in order that one of their citizens

should not become Tyrant, it was a fear that was given little

consideration; for, in addition to the other reasons mentioned a short

while ago concerning such a proposal, if a citizen (skilled) in (the use

of) arms at sea had never been made a Tyrant in a City situated in the

sea, so much less would he be able to do this if he were (skilled) in (the

use of arms) on land. And, because of this, they ought to have seen

that arms in the hands of their own citizens could not create Tyrants,

but the evil institutions of a Government are those which cause a City

to be tyrannized; and, as they had a good Government, did not have to

fear arms of their own citizens. They took an imprudent course,

therefore, which was the cause of their being deprived of much glory

and happiness. As to the error which the King of France makes in not

having his people disciplined to war, from what has been cited from

examples previously mentioned, there is no one ((devoid of some

particular passion of theirs)) who does not judge this defect to be in the

Republic, and that this negligence alone is what makes it weak. But I

have made too great a digression and have gotten away from my

subject: yet I have done this to answer you and to show you, that no

reliance can be had on arms other than ones own, and ones own arms

cannot be established otherwise than by way of an ordinance, nor can

forms of armies be introduced in any place, nor military discipline

instituted. If you have read the arrangements which the first Kings

made in Rome, and most especially of Servius Tullus, you will find that

the institution of classes is none other than an arrangement to be able

quickly to put together an army for the defense of that City. But turning

to our Deletto, I say again, that having to replenish an established (old)

organization, I would take the seventeen year olds, but having to create

a new one, I would take them of every age between seventeen and

forty in order to avail myself of them quickly.



COSIMO: Would you make a difference of what profession (art) you

would choose them from?



FABRIZIO: These writers do so, for they do not want that bird

hunters, fishermen, cooks, procurers, and anyone who makes

amusement his calling should be taken, but they want that, in addition

to tillers of the soil, smiths and blacksmiths, carpenters, butchers,

hunters, and such like, should be taken. But I would make little

difference in conjecturing from his calling how good the man may be,

but how much I can use him with the greatest usefulness. And for this

reason, the peasants, who are accustomed to working the land, are

more useful than anyone else, for of all the professions (arts), this one is

used more than any other in the army: After this, are the forgers

(smiths), carpenters, blacksmiths, shoemakers; of whom it is useful to

have many, for their skills succeed in many things, as they are a very

good thing for a soldier to have, from whom you draw double service.



COSIMO: How are those who are or are not suitable to fight chosen?



FABRIZIO: I want to talk of the manner of selecting a new

organization in order to make it after wards into an army; which yet

also apply in the discussion of the selection that should be made in

re-manning an old (established) organization. I say, therefore, that how

good the man is that you have to select as a soldier is recognized either

from his experience, shown by some excellent deeds of his, or by

conjecture. The proof of virtu cannot be found in men who are newly

selected, and who never before have been selected; and of the former,

few or none are found in an organization which is newly established. It

is necessary, therefore, lacking experience to have recourse to

conjecture, which is derived from their age, profession, and physical

appearance. The first two have been discussed: it remains to talk of the

third. And yet I say that some have wanted that the soldier be big,

among whom was Pyrrhus: Some others have chosen them only from

the strength of the body, as Caesar did: which strength of body is

conjectured from the composition of the members and the gracefulness

of aspect. And yet some of those who write say that he should have

lively and merry eyes, a nervy neck, a large breast, muscular arms, long

fingers, a small stomach, round hips, sleek legs and feet: which parts

usually render a man strong and agile, which are the two things sought

above everything else in a soldier. He ought, above all, to have regard

for his habits and that there should be in him a (sense of) honesty and

shame, otherwise there will be selected only an instrument of trouble

and a beginning of corruption; for there is no one who believes that in a

dishonest education and in a brutish mind, there can exist some virtu

which in some part may be praiseworthy. Nor does it appear to me

superfluous, rather I believe it necessary, in order for you to

understand better the importance of this selection, to tell you the

method that the Roman Consuls at the start of their Magistracy

observed in selecting the Roman legions. In which Deletto, because

those who had to be selected were to be a mixture of new and veteran

men ((because of the continuing wars)), they proceeded from

experience with regard to the old (veteran) men, and from conjecture

with regard to the new. And this ought to be noted, that these Deletti

are made, either for immediate training and use, or for future

employment.



I have talked, and will talk, of those that are made for future

employment, because my intention is to show you how an army can be

organized in countries where there is no military (organization), in which

countries I cannot have Deletti in order to make use of them. But in

countries where it is the custom to call out armies, and by means of the

Prince, these (Deletti) exist, as was observed at Rome and is today

observed among the Swiss. For in these Deletti, if they are for the

(selection of) new men, there are so many others accustomed to being

under military orders, that the old (veteran) and new, being mixed

together, make a good and united body. Notwithstanding this, the

Emperors, when they began to hold fixed the (term of service of the)

soldiers, placed new men in charge over the soldiers, whom they called

Tironi, as teachers to train them, as is seen in the life of the Emperor

Maximus: which thing, while Rome was free, was instituted, not in the

army, but within the City: and as the military exercises where the young

men were trained were in the City, there resulted that those then

chosen to go to war, being accustomed in the method of mock

warfare, could easily adapt themselves to real war. But afterwards,

when these Emperors discontinued these exercises, it was necessary to

employ the methods I have described to you. Arriving, therefore, at the

methods of the Roman Selection, I say that, as soon as the Roman

Consuls, on whom was imposed the carrying on of the war, had

assumed the Magistracy, in wanting to organize their armies ((as it was

the custom that each of them had two legions of Roman men, who

were the nerve (center) of their armies)), created twenty four military

Tribunes, proposing six for each legion, who filled that office which

today is done by those whom we call Constables. After they had

assembled all the Roman men adept at carrying arms, and placed the

Tribunes of each legion apart from each of the others. Afterwards, by

lot they drew the Tribes, from which the first Selection was to be

made, and of that Tribe they selected four of their best men, from

whom one was selected by the Tribunes of the first legion, and of the

other three, one was selected by the Tribunes of the second legion; of

the other two, one was selected by the Tribunes of the third, and that

last belonged to the fourth legion. After these four, four others were

selected, of whom the first man was selected by the Tribunes of the

second legion, the second by those of the third, the third by those of

the fourth, the fourth remained to the first. After, another four were

chosen: the first man was selected by the (Tribunes of the) third

(legion), the second by the fourth, the third by the first, the fourth

remained to the second. And thus this method of selection changed

successively, so that the selection came to be equal, and the legions

equalized. And as we said above, this was done where the men were

to be used immediately: and as it was formed of men of whom a good

part were experienced in real warfare, and everyone in mock battles,

this Deletto was able to be based on conjecture and experience. But

when a new army was to be organized and the selection made for

future employment, this Deletto cannot be based except on conjecture,

which is done by age and physical appearance.



COSIMO: I believe what you have said is entirely true: but before you

pass on to other discussion, I want to ask about one thing which you

have made me remember, when you said that the Deletto which should

be made where these men are not accustomed to fighting should be

done by conjecture: for I have heard our organization censured in many

of its parts, and especially as to number; for many say that a lesser

number ought to be taken, of whom those that are drawn would be

better and the selection better, as there would not be as much hardship

imposed on the men, and some reward given them, by means of which

they would be more content and could be better commanded. Whence

I would like to know your opinion on this part, and if you preferred a

greater rather than a smaller number, and what methods you would use

in selecting both numbers.



FABRIZIO: Without doubt the greater number is more desirable and

more necessary than the smaller: rather, to say better, where a great

number are not available, a perfect organization cannot be made, and I

will easily refute all the reasons cited in favor of this. I say, therefore,

first, that where there are many people, as there are for example in

Tuscany, does not cause you to have better ones, or that the Deletto is

more selective; for desiring in the selection of men to judge them on the

basis of experience, only a very few would probably be found in that

country who would have had this experience, as much because few

have been in a war, as because of those few who have been, very few

have ever been put to the test, so that because of this they merit to be

chosen before the others: so that whoever is in a similar situation should

select them, must leave experience to one side and take them by

conjecture: and if I were brought to such a necessity, I would want to

see, if twenty young men of good physical appearance should come

before me, with what rule rule I ought to take some or reject some: so

that without doubt I believe that every man will confess that it is a much

smaller error to take them all in arming and training them, being unable

to know (beforehand) which of them are better, and to reserve to

oneself afterwards to make a more certain Deletto where, during the

exercises with the army, those of greater courage and vitality may be

observed. So that, considering everything, the selection in this case of a

few in order to have them better, is entirely false. As to causing less

hardship to the country and to the men, I say that the ordinance,

whether it is bad or insufficient, does not cause any hardship: for this

order does not take men away from their business, and does not bind

them so that they cannot go to carry out their business, because it only

obliges them to come together for training on their free days, which

proposition does not do any harm either to the country or the men;

rather, to the young, it ought to be delightful, for where, on holidays

they remain basely indolent in their hangouts, they would now attend

these exercises with pleasure, for the drawing of arms, as it is a

beautiful spectacle, is thus delightful to the young men. As to being able

to pay (more to) the lesser number, and thereby keeping them more

content and obedient, I reply, that no organization of so few can be

made, who are paid so continually, that their pay satisfies them. For

instance, if an army of five thousand infantry should be organized, in

wanting to pay them so that it should be believed they would be

contented, they must be given at least ten thousand ducats a month. To

begin with, this number of infantry is not enough to make an army, and

the payment is unendurable to a State; and on the other hand, it is not

sufficient to keep the men content and obligated to respect your

position. So that in doing this although much would be spent, it would

provide little strength, and would not be sufficient to defend you, or

enable you to undertake any enterprise. If you should give them more,

or take on more, so much more impossible would it be for you to pay

them: if you should give them less, or take on fewer, so much less

would be content and so much less useful would they be to you.

Therefore, those who consider things which are either useless or

impossible. But it is indeed necessary to pay them when they are levied

to send to war.



But even if such an arrangement should give some hardship to those

enrolled in it in times of peace, which I do not see, they are still

recompensed by all those benefits which an army established in a City

bring; for without them, nothing is secure. I conclude that whoever

desires a small number in order to be able to pay them, or for any

other reason cited by you, does not know (what he is doing); for it will

also happen, in my opinion, that any number will always diminish in

your hands, because of the infinite impediments that men have; so that

the small number will succeed at nothing. However, when you have a

large organization, you can at your election avail yourself of few or of

many. In addition to this, it serves you in fact and reputation, for the

large number will always give you reputation. Moreover, in creating the

organization, in order to keep men trained, if you enroll a small number

of men in many countries, and the armies are very distant from each

other, you cannot without the gravest injury to them assemble them for

(joint) exercises, and without this training the organization is useless, as

will be shown in its proper place.



COSIMO: What you have said is enough on my question: but I now

desire that you resolve another doubt for me. There are those who say

that such a multitude of armed men would cause confusion, trouble,

and disorder in the country.



FABRIZIO: This is another vain opinion for the reason I will tell you.

These organized under arms can cause disorders in two ways: either

among themselves, or against others; both of these can be obviated

where discipline by itself should not do so: for as to troubles among

themselves, the organization removes them, not brings them up,

because in the organization you give them arms and leaders. If the

country where you organize them is so unwarlike that there are not

arms among its men, and so united that there are no leaders, such an

organization will make them more ferocious against the foreigner, but in

no way will make it more disunited, because men well organized,

whether armed or unarmed, fear the laws, and can never change,

unless the leaders you give them cause a change; and I will later tell you

the manner of doing this. But if the country where you have organized

an army is warlike and disunited, this organization alone is reason

enough to unite them, for these men have arms and leaders for

themselves: but the arms are useless for war, and the leaders causes of

troubles; but this organization gives them arms useful for war, and

leaders who will extinguish troubles; for as soon as some one is injured

in that country, he has recourse to his (leader) of the party, who, to

maintain his reputation, advises him to avenge himself, (and) not to

remain in peace. The public leader does the contrary. So that by this

means, the causes for trouble are removed, and replaced by those for

union; and provinces which are united but effeminate (unwarlike) lose

their usefulness but maintain the union, while those that are disunited

and troublesome remain united; and that disordinate ferocity which they

usually employ, is turned to public usefulness.



As to desiring that they do us injury against others, it should be kept in

mind that they cannot do this except by the leaders who govern them.

In desiring that the leaders do not cause disorders, it is necessary to

have care that they do not acquire too much authority over them. And

you have to keep in mind that this authority is acquired either naturally

or by accident: And as to nature, it must be provided that whoever is

born in one place is not put in charge of men enrolled in another place,

but is made a leader in those places where he does not have any

natural connections. As to accidents, the organization should be such

that each year the leaders are exchanged from command to command;

for continuous authority over the same men generates so much unity

among them, which can easily be converted into prejudice against the

Prince. As to these exchanges being useful to those who have

employed them, and injurious to those who have not observed them, is

known from the example of the Kingdom of Assyria and from the

Empire of the Romans, in which it is seen that the former Kingdom

endured a thousand years without tumult and without civil war; which

did not result from anything else than the exchanges of those Captains,

who were placed in charge of the care of the armies, from place to

place every year. Nor, for other reasons, (did it result) in the Roman

Empire; once the blood (race) of Caesar was extinguished, so many

civil wars arose among the Captains of the armies, and so many

conspiracies of the above mentioned Captains against the Emperors,

resulting from the continuing of those Captains in their same

Commands. And if any of those Emperors, and any who later held the

Empire by reputation, such as Hadrian, Marcus, Severus, and others

like them, would have observed such happenings, and would have

introduced this custom of exchanging Captains in that Empire, without

doubt they would have made it more tranquil and lasting; for the

Captains would have had fewer opportunities for creating tumults, and

the Emperors fewer causes to fear them, and the Senate, when there

was a lack in the succession, would have had more authority in the

election of Emperors, and consequently, better conditions would have

resulted. But the bad customs of men, whether from ignorance or little

diligence, or from examples of good or bad, are never put aside.



COSIMO: I do not know if, with my question, I have gone outside the

limits you set; for from the Deletto we have entered into another

discussion, and if I should not be excused a little, I shall believe I merit

some reproach.



FABRIZIO: This did us no harm; for all this discussion was necessary

in wanting to discuss the Organization (of an Army), which, being

censured by many, it was necessary to explain it, if it is desired that this

should take place before the Deletto. And before I discuss the other

parts, I want to discuss the Deletto for men on horseback. This

(selection) was done by the ancients from among the more wealthy,

having regard both for the age and quality of the men, selecting three

hundred for each legion: so that the Roman cavalry in every Consular

army did not exceed six hundred.



COSIMO: Did you organize the cavalry in order to train them at home

and avail yourself of them in the future?



FABRIZIO: Actually it is a necessity and cannot be done otherwise, if

you want to have them take up arms for you, and not to want to take

them away from those who make a profession of them.



COSIMO: How would you select them?



FABRIZIO: I would imitate the Romans: I would take the more

wealthy, and give them leaders in the same manner as they are given to

others today, and I would arm them, and train them.



COSIMO: Would it be well to give these men some provision?



FABRIZIO: Yes, indeed: but only as much as is necessary to take care

of the horse; for, as it brings an expense to your subjects, they could

complain of you. It would be necessary, therefore, to pay them for the

horse and its upkeep.



COSIMO: How many would you make? How would you arm them?



FABRIZIO: You pass into another discussion. I will tell you in its

place, which will be when I have said how the infantry ought to be

armed, and how they should prepare for an engagement.